Keynote Speech
by H.E. Yun Byung-se
Minister of Foreign Affairs

Asan-SIPRI Conference on
Northeast Asia Peace and Cooperation Initiative
“NAPCI Encountering European Experience of CSBM”
July 9, 2014

Dr. Hahm Chaibong,
Director Ian Anthony,
Professor Moritomo Satoshi,
Vice President Douglas Paal,
Distinguished Guests and
Ladies and Gentlemen,

Dr. Henry Kissinger, one of the greatest minds of our times, told the Munich Security Conference held in February this year, “Asia is more in a position of 19th-century Europe, where military conflict is not ruled out.” He went on to say, “Between Japan and China, the issue for the rest of us is that neither side be tempted to rely on force to settle the issue.”

His concern almost became a reality in less than three months. In May, over the East China Sea, a Chinese fighter jet and a Japanese reconnaissance plane came within a 30-meter distance from each other, narrowly avoiding a mid-air collision. A similar incident occurred again in June.

Confrontations are not only happening in the East China Sea. During the same period, in the waters of the South China Sea, there have been several cases of physical confrontation between Chinese and Vietnamese vessels, which had rarely happened after the Sino-Vietnamese War in 1979.

Conflicts over historical revisionism among neighbors in Northeast Asia are far from dying down.

On top of that comes the threat from North Korea of conducting an additional nuclear test and advancing its nuclear weapons capability. Since North Korea’s announcement in March, intensive diplomatic efforts are under way in the international community to cope with various eventualities.

As if the Pandora`s Box has been opened, we are now witnessing conflicts or seeds of looming trouble in a whole range of areas, starting from history and territories, to maritime security, airspace and cyberspace, arms races, and even security concepts. All of these unprecedented conflicts are happening at the same time. Some pundits refer to this trend as the “return of geopolitics” or the “return of history.”

If this trend goes unchecked and continues to persist, even the remarkable economic growth that has characterized Asia since the end of the Cold War may be weakened. Moreover, and just as Dr. Kissinger astutely cautioned, there remains a serious risk of situations in Asia escalating to a military conflict, triggered by miscalculations. Please allow me to share my thoughts with you on why such phenomena are occurring in Asia in earnest.

First of all, looking at the big picture, Asian regional order is now going through a major transformation.
On the horizon is a rising and assertive China, a resurgent Japan that seeks a breakdown of the postwar bondage, a Russia that is looking east, and a North Korea that is desperately pursuing both economic development and nuclear weapons, and the United States that is pivoting and rebalancing to Asia. In the process of pursuing their irrespective goals, nations in the region are often times tempted to engage more in confrontation than in cooperation.

Second, there is a lack of systematic and effective mechanisms to respond to these challenges. More fundamentally, however, the ‘Trust Deficit’ problem in Asia is worse today than at any other time since the end of the Cold War. Considering that trust is a core factor in promoting cooperation between nations, if the situation of a ‘Trust Deficit’ continues, then this could become the source of all kinds of problems down the road.

Third, in comparison with Europe, the mismatch between economic interdependence and political or security cooperation is getting severe in Asia. I call this the ‘Asian Paradox.’ In postwar Europe, the deepened economic interdependence generally led to the loosening-up of political and military tensions. However, as demonstrated by recent events in Asia, high politics is now prevailing over low politics.

Lastly, unlike in Germany and Europe, historical revisionism is rapidly gaining force in Asia recently. Such troubling revisionist movements are directly or indirectly linked with concerns over defense and security policies and are aggravating the tensions in the region.

Distinguished Guests,

Although conflicts are occurring all across East Asia, the situation in Northeast Asia seems to be much worse than that of Southeast Asia. The question is ‘how’ can we overcome such diverse problems and forge an economically dynamic and politically sustainable region moving forward?

As we have seen earlier, the nature and the manifestations of conflicts in Northeast Asia are very complex. Thus, it is essential that we take a comprehensive, multi-faceted approach.

Of course it would be of utmost importance to make efforts to address the sources of bilateral conflicts between major countries. However, it is just as necessary to complement the bilateral efforts with multilateral efforts as much as possible.

In this connection, I would like to remind you that Northeast Asia is virtually the only region in the world that does not have a multilateral cooperation mechanism in place.

More fundamentally, we need to cultivate the culture of peace in the minds of the people of Northeast Asia. As stipulated in the Constitution of UNESCO, “Since wars begin in the minds of men, it is in the minds of men that the defenses of peace must be constructed.”

Currently, Northeast Asia is the most heavily armed region in the world, and it is also a region that has to cope with the North Korean nuclear issue – a clear and present danger to security. Northeast Asia is also a region considered one of the most likely places for a military conflict, along with the Middle East. This is all the more reason for us to induce a change in perception.

Distinguished Guests,

This year marks the centennial of the outbreak of World War I and the 25th year since the fall of the Berlin Wall. For the past century, Europe has overcome the calamities of two devastating world wars and the pains of the Cold War, transforming the continent into one of durable peace and prosperity.

Germany also has overcome its division and soared beyond the miracle of the Rhine River to achieve the miracle of the Elbe River. Europe is playing a leading role with its unified strength and influence in advancing global security and peace.

Although Europe and Northeast Asia are different in various ways, Europe’s experience of reconciliation and integration has many implications for us in our pursuit of peace and cooperation in Northeast Asia.

First, from early on, there were various efforts in Europe to present visions and strategies for the postwar order. The European Coal and Steel Community (ECSC), known today as the precursor to the European Union, was established thanks to the vision of the former Foreign Minister Schuman of France.

However, not many people know that, even before the birth of ECSC, British Prime Minister Churchill laid out his vision for the United States of Europe in 1946. Europe held steadfast to its strong conviction for a unified Europe even when the guns of the World War II had just stopped firing.

The gradual process of the ECSC developing into the EU was possible only because European nations continuously shared their visions for a united, peaceful and prosperous Europe, as provided for in the Schuman Declaration and the Treaty of Rome.

Second, NATO provided a framework of security that was conducive to Europe's integration. By providing firm defense from external threats and by contributing to the alleviation of security anxiety, NATO was able to keep the Warsaw Treaty Organization in check.

Third, through the CSCE, Europe took a creative approach of starting with maintaining the status quo and moving on to changing the regional situation. The CSCE developed into the OSCE some 20 years later, and now the OSCE, with another 20 years of progress under its belt, is moving forward to become an advanced, systematic Eurasia Security Community.

In the process of developing from the CSCE to the OSCE, Europe truly shined through with its vision for "Europe Whole and Free" and demonstrated the patience it takes to achieve this vision, a lesson that we must pay close attention to.

Fourth, the reconciliation over history and improvements in bilateral relations between Germany and its neighbors including France played a pivotal role in the European integration. Europe’s precedent provides clear implications for Northeast Asia, a region where historical conflicts are causing serious trouble.

The EU, NATO, and the OSCE are the three main pillars in ushering in the era of peace and prosperity of Europe. If such multilateral cooperation frameworks had not existed, Germany's reunification may have been impossible or delayed substantially. Multilateral cooperation mechanisms functioned as the regional safety valve that expedited Germany's reunification. 

Distinguished Guests,

The Northeast Asia Peace and Cooperation Initiative that Korea seeks to pursue is a vision and a diplomatic strategy aiming to transform the current structure of distrust and confrontation with that of reconciliation and cooperation by building trust, just as Europe did in the past. 

Of course, there were some proposals and attempts to promote intra-regional cooperation in Northeast Asia in the past. However, the Northeast Asia Peace and Cooperation Initiative takes a tailored approach most appropriate for the current situation in the region, while utilizing the strengths and reinforcing the shortcomings of the initiatives made so far.

Before delving into explaining what the Northeast Asia Peace and Cooperation Initiative is, I would like to say a few words to instill a more proper understanding of the Initiative by way of pointing out what this Initiative is not.

First, the Initiative is not in conflict with the Korea-US alliance, in the same way the CSCE and OSCE do not contradict the NATO or Warsaw Treaty Organization.

Second, the Initiative will not exclude any major stakeholder in the region. 

Third, any multilateral and minilateral efforts currently in progress for enhanced regional cooperation such as the Korea-China-Japan trilateral cooperation and ARF, will be reinforced.

Fourth, the Initiative is not a replacement to the Six Party Talks for the denuclearization of North Korea.

Fifth, all participating nations will be co-architects and co-owners of the Initiative.

Hence, the Northeast Asia Peace and Cooperation Initiative takes into account the dire situation of the region, taking a thorough, practical, and enforceable approach as follows:

First, it is a process-oriented approach in which discussions and cooperation are accumulated at a comfortable speed starting with countries with willingness and capacity, and in areas where cooperation is feasible.

Second, it has an open-ended configuration in which observer participation is possible. Regional cooperative organizations such as the EU, OSCE and countries outside the region, including in Europe and in Southeast Asia, can participate, although the Initiative will center around its core of Northeast Asian countries. In addition, participating countries can actively discuss various issues of their own interests, inducing participation from all participants. 

Third, in order to cultivate a culture of multilateral talks, the Initiative will start out with a non-traditional soft security agenda and expand into a traditional security agenda. Taking a look at Europe's multilateral cooperation experience, they too, began with discussing soft issues such as economic integration and eventually ended up cooperating in hard issues such as CSBM.

However, considering the present circumstances in Northeast Asia, it is difficult to anticipate a hard agenda to make progress ahead of cooperation on soft agendas. The current deadlock on the Korea-China-Japan trilateral cooperation that has made some progress over the past years reflects this harsh reality.

Essentially, the mobilization of political will is needed.  In this vein, I believe that holding in-depth discussions at this conference on Northeast Asia's security environment, including both traditional and non-traditional security agendas, will be an appropriate approach at this juncture.

Distinguished Guests,

Since the inauguration of the Park Geun-hye administration, the Korean government has made efforts to push forward with the Northeast Asia Peace and Cooperation Initiative, and has achieved some significant progress along the way.

Based on such accomplishments, the Korean government seeks to develop the Northeast Asia Peace and Cooperation initiative in more detail with the participation of core countries. In this respect, NATO, EU, and OSCE, which perform core functions of Europe's integration and prosperity, have shown great interest and support toward our Initiative.

For example, when NATO Secretary General Rasmussen visited Korea in April last year, he mentioned to me that Europe's multilateral cooperation would serve as a good reference in pursuing our Initiative and agreed to share with us NATO’s experiences. 

After a long year of practical preparations, we are finally seeing the fruits of the discussions – this  very conference – right here today.  It is also the first international meeting on the subject of the Northeast Asia Peace and Cooperation Initiative jointly organized by a foreign organization and Korea.

The Northeast Asia Peace and Cooperation Initiative is an evolving process. The Korean government is willing to work closely with countries in the region to substantiate the Initiative, suitable to Northeast Asia's changing reality and unique circumstances. 

Moreover, it could contribute to the resolution of the North Korean nuclear issue, one of the most serious obstacles to achieving durable peace in the region, and contribute to a peaceful Korean Peninsula and its eventual reunification.

Distinguished Guests,

As I have mentioned, visions of European integration or Europe Whole and Free were made possible because the nations in Europe had a shared belief in such visions.

Therefore, the nations in Northeast Asia need to start dreaming of a vision for a common future. The United States’ ‘Pacific Dream,’ China’s ‘Chinese Dream,' Korea’s 'Unified Korean Peninsula' must converge into a greater dream for all. As President Park Geun-hye once said, it is not even possible to overcome minor differences if purposes are not shared, whereas with a shared purpose, any differences can be overcome.

Next, we must begin to find areas in which we can cooperate and to establish codes of conduct which can substantiate the common vision. The first step in establishing a peaceful Europe started from searching for common grounds of cooperation and codes of conduct in order to realize a common dream. Similarly, Northeast Asia Peace and Cooperation Initiative must begin with identifying the common agenda and building upon it.

Finally, like the way Europe’s multilateral cooperation and trust building led to the German unification and the ensuing prosperity of Europe, the multilateral cooperation in Northeast Asia will be conducive to the reunification of the Korean peninsula, the peace and prosperity of Northeast Asia, and making positive contribution to the greater international community.

The Korean government will also work together with its neighbors and the international community to build a new kind of Korea and usher in a new era in Northeast Asia.

Distinguished Guests,

This year marks the 200th anniversary of unbroken peace in Sweden. The Stockholm International Peace Research Institute, established 50 years ago to share with the international community the wisdom and experience of the Swedish people regarding peace, has now developed into a full-fledged research institute with a global reputation.

It is not coincidence that the Asan Institute for Policy Studies, which is evolving into one of the premier think-tanks in Northeast Asia, has arranged this Conference on peace and trust building in Northeast Asia together with SIPRI. Taking this opportunity, I would like to express my most sincere appreciation to Dr. Hahm Chaibong, President of Asan institute for Policy Studies, and Dr. Ian Anthony, Director of SIPRI. I once again thank ASAN and SIPRI for organizing this event and extend my warm welcome to everyone here today.

It is my sincere hope that this Conference will serve as an important opportunity to advance the Northeast Asia Peace and Cooperation Initiative.

Thank you.