Dinner Remarks
by H.E. Yun Byung-se
Minister of Foreign Affairs

Jeju Forum
May 20, 2015

Former President Yudhoyono,
Former Prime Minister Shroeder,
Former Prime Minister Fukuda,
Former Prime Minister Howard,
Former Prime Minister Clark,
President Li Xiaolin,
Former Foreign Minister Kong and former ministers,
Distinguished guests,
Ladies and gentlemen,

I am delighted to welcome you to this beautiful island of Jeju, at an eventful week for Korean diplomacy. From U.S. Secretary Kerry, Indian Prime Minister Modi, to UN Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon and other leaders, including the UNESCO Director-General and the World Bank President, we have had a string of meetings before this Forum. And tomorrow in Seoul, I will be hosting a five-nation foreign ministers’ meeting of MIKTA – Mexico, Indonesia, Korea, Turkey and Australia, a cross-regional group of middle powers. For me, this is gratifying as a sign of Korea’s increased convening power and its growing contributions to regional and global governance.

The Jeju Forum, now in its tenth session, was launched back in 2001 to foster peace on the Korean peninsula and in the Northeast Asian region. Like the Davos Forum, this Forum is now serving as a bellwether for the evolving geopolitical and geoeconomic landscape in this part of the world. Especially, I find this year’s theme, “Towards a New Asia of Trust and Harmony,” very relevant and timely, with the deepening Asian Paradox in an otherwise auspicious 70th anniversary of the end of the Second World War.

From the outset, my government has given top priority to promoting peace through trust and harmony in the region. However, as I pointed out at the Davos Forum in January, Northeast Asia is hardly an outlier from the wave of geopolitical tensions sweeping the world.

Indeed, talks about the “return of geopolitics,” and a “mini Cold War,” are all indicative of the unhealthy state of affairs in this region. Why is this so? First and foremost, Northeast Asia’s geopolitical and geoeconomic landscape has become truly multi-dimensional. If North Korea was the main source of threats and problems over the last two decades since the end of the Cold War, now we have multiple sources of conflicts and tensions.

This part of the world is going through a major transformation, and regional actors are realigning their policies in accordance with their own calculus and perspectives: the U.S. rebalance to the Asia-Pacific, China’s new security concept, Russia’s Look East policy and Japan’s current policy to unshackle itself from the bondage of the Second World War. Whether such different visions will diverge or converge will lead us to different paths in shaping the 21st century.

So taking this good opportunity, I would like to provide some food for thought for your discussions tomorrow on our common challenges from the standpoint of a policy maker.

First, what is the realistic approach to an ever-growing North Korean threat and unpredictability? We are witnessing North Korea advance its nuclear weapons capability and diversify its delivery systems, most recently through its SLBM ejection test. Pyongyang has made it clear that it will cling to its nuclear weapons program, and has rebuffed South Korea, the U.S., China and even Russia’s invitation to Moscow. So the big question remains, what can the international community do with North Korea when it continues to keep its door closed?

Which brings us to the second question. Can we expect the winds of change blowing in North Korea, like we have seen in countries such as Myanmar, Iran and recently Cuba? What is coming out from Pyongyang these days are signs of brutality, uncertainty and unpredictability in its decision-making.

Third, how can we narrow down differences over the rise of China? For China, it is a peaceful development, but some feel less sure. The way we in the region view and approach China’s rise will have an impact on the region’s trust level. On the geoeconomic side too, some view the Trans-Pacific Partnership and the Asia Infrastructure Investment Bank issues through the prism of geopolitics, as a rivalry between China and the U.S.

Fourth, what will the dynamics between China and Japan be like? Will it remain a tense relationship, or do we see a light at the end of the tunnel with the recent two summits in Beijing and Bandung respectively?

For Korea, we are in favor of better ties between Beijing and Tokyo. This past March, I hosted the Korea-Japan-China trilateral Foreign Ministers’ meeting in Seoul, resuscitating the trilateral talks, which had been in hibernation for three years. Not only Japan and China, but also the U.S. publicly welcomed Korea’s role in hosting the meeting. As agreed at that meeting, Korea is committed to holding a trilateral summit at the earliest convenient time. And hopefully, like in 2010, the trilateral summit meeting could be held again in Jeju, an island symbolizing peace and reconciliation.

Fifth, how do we view Japan’s current pursuit of a new post-war order? This is manifesting itself in different ways, from changes in interpreting its “peace constitution” to the revision of the guidelines for U.S.-Japan defense cooperation. Japan’s active role does have its upside. However, one should ask why its neighbors and many in the international community are not blessing it - probably because of their concern about Japan’s recent tendency towards historical revisionism. Earlier this month, 187 historians from around the world sent an unprecedented open letter to the Japanese government, raising serious concerns about its views on history. In two weeks or so, that number has swelled to almost 500.

Sixth, how should we view the evolving relationship between the U.S. and China? As Secretary Kerry said recently, this is the most consequential relationship for East Asia’s regional order. Certainly, there are elements of both cooperation and competition between a U.S. rebalancing to Asia and China’s pursuit of a new type of great power relations. This is probably unavoidable, and naturally, regional countries, including Korea, prefer to promote the cooperative aspects between the U.S. and China. In this regard, the fact that the U.S. has invited the leaders of Japan, Korea and China to visit Washington, D.C. this year is a welcome signal.

Seventh, is about Korea’s strategic value and enhanced role. In the past, Korea faced the geopolitical and geoeconomic dilemma of being between continental and maritime powers. However, Korea is now becoming a more influential regional actor, and has established close ties with its neighbors.

As for the Korea-U.S. relationship, the strength of our alliance was reaffirmed during Secretary Kerry’s visit just a few days ago. Secretary Kerry characterized the Korea-U.S. alliance as at its best state ever. The upcoming visit of President Park to Washington, D.C. will open new frontiers for our alliance. As for Korea-China, it is now strategic cooperative partnership and better than ever.

Like President Obama said last year, Korea’s ties with the U.S. and with China are totally compatible. Indeed, in our view, our good ties with both countries are precious assets that can reinforce not only the U.S. rebalance to Asia, but also China’s pursuit of a new type of great power relations.

Eighth, what are the implications of China’s relations with ASEAN countries on the regional order? It is crucial that the South China Sea issue be resolved through dialogue, the sooner the better.

Ninth, how to manage the negative impacts from Russia’s worsening relations with the U.S. and western nations, which have aggravated since the events in Ukraine. Those tensions are spilling over to Northeast Asia as well. North Korea is certainly losing no time in trying to exploit this situation and to use the Russia card. Russia invited the North Korean leader, who embarrassed Moscow at the last minute. As the North Korean nuclear problem is at a critical juncture, it is imperative that the five parties of the Six Party Talks stand united on this issue than anytime before.

Ladies and gentlemen,

The questions I have raised so far are serious, but we also know that various efforts are underway in earnest to overcome these challenges.

Yesterday, I spoke at the World Education Forum, co-hosted by Korea and UNESCO, and met with Director-General Bokova. This reminded me of the words of the UNESCO Constitution, that quote, “since wars begin in the minds of men, it is in the minds of men that the defenses of peace must be constructed,” unquote.

So, in the final analysis, as long as those who favor cooperation and harmony prevail over those who seek to benefit from tension and conflict in the region, there is reason for hope. Korea is decisively on the side of cooperation and harmony.

We will continue to work to that end, through policies such as the Northeast Asia Peace and Cooperation Initiative, or NAPCI. Like UN Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon pointed out at last November’s East Asia Summit, Northeast Asia remains a crucial missing link in the UN’s network of sub-regional cooperative mechanisms, and there is a pressing need to explore means for closer regional cooperation. In this regard, NAPCI can complement and reinforce existing forums such as the EAS and the ASEAN Regional Forum, and complete the jigsaw of multilateral cooperation in East Asia.

Multilateral dialogue and cooperation, coupled with bilateral efforts to promote peace and cooperation, will be conducive to overcoming the division of the Korean peninsula – already 70 years old, and a relic of the Cold War. Just like German reunification transformed the geopolitical landscape of Europe, Korean unification will be a peace-promoter and growth-booster, not only in the Asia-Pacific, but also in Eurasia.

I hope that each and every one of you here today will join us in this journey, and allow the Jeju Forum to become a venue for promoting peace and prosperity in the region and around the world. Thank you.
/끝/